Kudumali Tel Sindur Lagan Geet
Ohi re kono Singe lebe Barada
Kanya Karaya Tel ||
Kono singe lebe re sindur ||
Kono singe lebe Barada
Jhuri Jhuri maduar
Kono ange jhukab chuman re ||
Bhala Ohi re Bama singe lebe Barada ,Kanya Koroya Tel
Dahine singe lebe re sindur re
Aga singe Libe Barada jhuri jhuri meduare
Athao ange jhukab chuma re ||
@Shatananda Mohanta
Bandana Festival Of Kudumis of Odisha and Westbengal ๐๐❤️❤️๐
Dr. Basanta Kumar Mohanta
Sudhansu Shekher Mahato
The second day of Bandna parab, popularly know, as Gohal Puja is the most important part. The female members of the house purify the floors. Tulshi manch and Aangan with cow dung solution in the morning. The Bagals and the male members of the family carry the Haai Juyant, Karha and Mair etc. to the nearest pond and water source to wash it properly with straw brush. The washed implements are brought back to house and are erected in a systematic manner facing the east. Then comes the turn of catties to be washed properly and bathed by the Bagals.
The headman of family goes to take bath with a hanshua. After taking bath he cuts a bundle of paddy straw in his paddy field and returns to home. On his way buck he makes no conversation with anybody. At home he keeps the paddy bundle on a Charpai and then begin to knit merwair (a kind of knitting with paddy straw). The knitted merwair are always of odd number in totality and kept on a new basket, specially brought for Chuman (benedictory Kissing). After smearing oil and sindoor on the cattle the mewair are hanged in their necks and forehead. Further, it is also tied to the Dharma (central pole) of each house. The mewair hanged in Dharna becomes of immense importance because of its requirements in the mental ceremony.
The palm/finger impressions of grinded area rice solution are put on either side of the doorframe and Sindoor Tika (vermilion dot) is given on it. The upper side of the doorframe is also smeared with the help of middle fingers. The small straight-line marks given are always of odd number.
The lady of the house like the previous day goes to the ponds with arwa chawal in a tonki. It is washed properly and having taken the bath, return to the house. The wet chawal is out on chhain for drying. Then the arwa chawal is made into fine particle (Gudi) with the help of Dhenki. Chalen/ChaIni (Sieve) is used to filter to fine parts. The Gudi prepared is made into solution with water and a gum like liquid extracted either from Gamhar (Gmelina arborea) leaf or on heating the stem of ladies finger. This helps in maintaining the continuity of the chawk. (Alpana) made with the solution. The Chawk is designed and prepared by the lady who happens to be in fasting and begins from the entrance. The design may vary from one clan to another. At the entrance lie a few branches of Surgunja/Genda flower, Chitchiti or Apang, a chunk of cow dung and a stone. The cow dung symbolizes purification, the stone gives the representation of Lord Nirakar Siva, the Surgunja/Genda flower welcome the cattle whereas the Chitchiti or events the entry of evil forces. The Chawk prepared is generally criss crossed squares, connected with one another and a triangle attached to the side arms of the square. The apex of the tingle is further joined with three curved lines. The squares, triangles and the curved lines are drawn with the four fingers of the right hand dipped into solution. Vermilion dote out on each joints, gives an attractive look to it. (Figure1) But mythologically it symbolizes breeding. The Goth puja is performed out side the village, on the way through which the cattle are generally drawn in and out. The Mahato/ Majhi/Pahan performs this Goth puja by making a chicken sacrifice or breaking of an egg. He further sprinkles the Gudi solution on the cattle and they (cattle) are made to cross through it. On completion of the chawk pura all the cattle are made to pass over it.
The lady then begins to prepare Goraiya pitha (A special kind of sweet cake made of rice) in a new Palam on the newly built chullah, in order to maintain the purity of the cake. The house owner arranges all the puja materials for Gohal puia. The worshipping materials comprises of Arwa chawal, Sindoor, Gudi, Surgunja flower, Garaiya pitha on separate Dona (leaf cup) of sal patta and Handia or Ranu, milk, Diwa, Dhupchi and Hansua are arranged in a new winnowing fan. An assistant keeps three chickens ready and both came to the Gohal for puja. The puja is performed to the Garaiya deity, made of mud having cylindrical shape, kept in the eastern side of the Gohal. Some clan members’ even use Mohua (bassia latifalia) wood for making the Garaiya. Offering is made to the Garaiya deity praying for better health of the catties and increment in the number of cattle. The Garaiya is given finger impression of Gudi solution and Sindoor tika on it. (Fioure-2) Further, the pieces of Garaiya pithas offered for three times followed by pouring of milk and handia. Then the chickens of separate colours mainly black (for Gai Gariya) and rangua (for Koda/Bhainsh Garaiya) are sacrificed. (Fjgure-3)
Close to the Tulshi manch the puja is also offered in the name of their ancestors for the welfare of the family. The cleaned Hal are placed at the courtyard facing east and the Juant, Mair and Karha are placed over it. The fasted lady brings Arwa chawal, Sindoor, Dhup ghansh (a kind of grass), Gudi solution and Diwa for the Chuman. She gives the palm impression of Gudi solution on these agricultural implements followed by Sindoor tika over it. Then she sprinkles the arwa chawal and Dhup ghansh on it. It is interesting to note that, except this day, throughout the year, the women folk are not allowed to jump or touch these agricultural implements following to it the female members of the house make a chuman to the catties with arwa rice and Dhup ghansh (Figure-4).
At the end of the day lies the Nimcha Nimchi ceremony, in which all the catties are drawn out to the outskirt of the village, while the lady with burning Dhupchi put on Andri/ Chitki jada patta in her left hand. She picks up mustard seeds from her Khaincha (a pocket made with anchal of her saree) and after making a round over the back of the cows, she put the burning Dhupchi inverted on the ground and crushed with her left leg. This act of performance signifies the drawing out and crushing of the evil spirits if at all residing on the cattle.
Every member of the family enjoys the sacrificed cocks in the dinner. Even the nearest friends and clan members also share the joys. The Bagals and male members gather in the Kulhi at night with their musical instruments to sing and dance.
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Reference
Agrawal , D. P.; 1982 Archaeology of India. London; Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies.
Jain, Santosh Kumari; 1987 Kurmali Lokgeet: Ek Addhayan (in Hindi) Ranchi; Santosh Prakashan.
Mahato, P.P 2000 Sanskritization Vs Nirbakization. Calcutta; Sujan Publications
Megta B.K 1989 Kudmali Chari (in Kudmali), Ranchi, Mulki Kudmali, Bhaki Baishi.
Mital , Kanak 1986 Tribal Identity in Changing Industrial Environment. The Santal Case. New Delhi; Metropolitan Book Co.Pvt. Ltd.
Mohanty , B 1997 Festivals of Orissa. In P.K Mishra edited Comprehensie History and Cultural of Orissa. Vol. 2 New Delhi; Kaveri Books : 657-705.
Roy, S.C. 1912 The Munda and their Country, Calcutta; City Book Society.
Sankalia , H.D 1974 The Pre-history and Proto-history of India and Pakistan. Poona Deccan College.
Shukla C 1997 Bihar Ke Bedia (in Hindi). Ranchi , Bihar Tribal Welfare research Institute.
Singh, P.K 2000 Aapna Astistya Ki Lodhai Lodh Rahain Hain Jharkhand Ke Kurmi (in Hindi). Prabahat Khabar (Hindi daily publishing from Ranchi) Date 15-11-2000, Jharkhand Special Appendix 4, p.-6.
Of kudumi community of Odisha and Westbengal ๐บ๐บ๐บ๐บ๐บ๐ผ๐ผ๐ผ
Dr. Basanta Kumar Mohanta
Sudhansu Shekher Mahato
The longevity and number of ritual performed demands a thorough preparation. This begins with the collection of different kinds of clays/ mati, viz. Rugdi, Khetmati, Lal-mati (red soil), Dudhi-mati (white soil), etc. for leveling the cowshed and Angan (courtyard) as well as white washing all the houses. The outer walls are decorated with diluted Dudhi and Lal mati where as the marketing is completed in the weekly market prior to its arrival. The shopping items includes Tonki (bamboo basket), Khanchi (bamboo basket), Kharka, Dhupdani (conger), Diwa/ Deep (earthen lamp), Ghee, oil, sindoor (vermilion), Dhoti, Sharee, Earthen pot, Palam (one kind of earthen vessel), Earthen lid, Ranu, Cocks and Hens etc. Thus one has to be economically, psychologically and culturally ready to welcome the Bandna festival and celebrate it with greater enthusiasm to thank the animals that are partner in their day-to-day agricultural activities.
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The first day of Bandna festival is well known throughout the Kudmidesh (Jharkhand and boardering areas of West Bengal and Orissa) as Jagran. The children look to be in merry mood with the arrival of the day of Jaqran.
In the morning, Bagals/Dhangals draws the cattle to the nearest pond/river or any other water points for washing. After giving a thorough bath to the animals, they are brought back to Gohal (cowshed). In the absence of Bagal, elder male members of the family perform the same. Sometimes, even the children also assist the elders. The cattle are provided with sufficient food specialty grass or paddy straw. The female members of the family besmear the courtyard with cow dung solution, before proceeding to the nearest pond or river for bathing and washing them in a new Tonki. After bathing, the women return to the house in their wet clothes. The Tonki with wet rice is put on the Chhain (roof) for draying. A few hours later they bring down the dried rice and grind with the help of Dhenki (husking lever).
In the evening they illuminate the rice powdered made Diwa on Sal patta (leaf of shorea robusta) along with a grass bundle on the both sides of the door of all the rooms including Gohal. The other places of importance to be illuminated include main entrance, storeroom, well, Khalihan/Khola (threshing ground), Manure pits, Tanks, Tuishi manch/ Chaurah etc. The extinguished lamps and grass bundles are collected and placed on Chhain. Though the process of lightening is done by the Bagals, irrespective of age and sex the other members of the family equally participate. Later the collected Diwas are crushed into powder and the Pitha (cakes) prepared out of it are specially meant for the Bagals. The Bagals, smear oil and Sindoor on the horn and forehead of the catties. In the absence of the Bagals, elder members performed the same but for the cows and she buffalo the females are responsible.
The female further prepares Khapra Pitha (a type of rice cake) in a Palam covered with an earthen lid, which is enjoyed by each and every members of the family. Then the actual sprinkling of rice gudi/gundi solution on every agricultural implements along with Gohal, Khalihan, Tulshi monch, Manure pits, well etc. are taken place. The main objective behind shrinking solution is to awaken the implements and hence the name Jagran which means to awaken is justified.
In the night, after finishing the dinner Bagals/Dhangars along with other elder villagers gathers in one corner of the village or at the house of Mahto with musical instruments like Dhol, Nagra, Mandal/Madal, Jhun-Jhune etc. for Dhingwani Bhula. It is an important part of Bandna Parab in which the entire team sings and dances through out the night h front of each house with the motive of keeping the people awaken and at the same time preventing the entry of evil spirits.
The night of Amabashya is considered to be the most suitable time for the Dayen and evil spirits to play their black magic on the people as wel as animals. Therefore, the Dhingwani team moves from one end of the village to another while attending each house. During their movement from one house to another, they sing a song, which reads as:
(The time crosses while searching and enquiring, "How far is the house of cattle owner?" In his house, there is a Tulshi manch/chhauraha, where the Dasha bhai (ten brothers but here entire team) sing and dance. If you contribute to the team, there would not be reduction of wealth rather your name will be commemorated from era to era).
The arrival of the Dhingwani team is welcomed by the house owner and treated with Handia (rice beer) and Khapra pitha according to their capacities. They sing and dance while beating drums, Nagra and Mandal at the courtyard for which they are paid either in cash or kind or both. The kind includes paddy, rice, vegetables and khapra pitha etc. Sometimes the team members might snatch vegetables or fruits grown in the bari for which the owner makes no objection. While leaving the house they warn the house owner as well as cows to remain awake. The same is reflected through the song as:
Jago Ma Lachhmi,
Jago Ma Bhagawati,
Jagi Sutain Amabashya Raat,
Jago Ke Re Pratiphal,
Pow Ba Re Akhani,
Pancha Putra Dasha Dhenu Gai.
(Oh mother Laxmi, Oh mother Bhagawati; keep awakening, the night of Amabashya. The cost of awakening will give you five sons and ten Dhenu cows).
In this manner they move from door to door producing alarming sound. At the dawn, they Dhingwani team) gathers at the outskirt of the village under a tree or on an open place where they make a symbolic sacrifice of gourd and bum a straw made effigy. Finally, the collection is distributed among its members before they disperse.
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The second day of Bandna parab, popularly know, as Gohal Puja is the most important part. The female members of the house purify the floors. Tulshi manch and Aangan with cow dung solution in the morning. The Bagals and the male members of the family carry the Haai Juyant, Karha and Mair etc. to the nearest pond and water source to wash it properly with straw brush. The washed implements are brought back to house and are erected in a systematic manner facing the east. Then comes the turn of catties to be washed properly and bathed by the Bagals.
The headman of family goes to take bath with a hanshua. After taking bath he cuts a bundle of paddy straw in his paddy field and returns to home. On his way buck he makes no conversation with anybody. At home he keeps the paddy bundle on a Charpai and then begin to knit merwair (a kind of knitting with paddy straw). The knitted merwair are always of odd number in totality and kept on a new basket, specially brought for Chuman (benedictory Kissing). After smearing oil and sindoor on the cattle the mewair are hanged in their necks and forehead. Further, it is also tied to the Dharma (central pole) of each house. The mewair hanged in Dharna becomes of immense importance because of its requirements in the mental ceremony.
The palm/finger impressions of grinded area rice solution are put on either side of the doorframe and Sindoor Tika (vermilion dot) is given on it. The upper side of the doorframe is also smeared with the help of middle fingers. The small straight-line marks given are always of odd number.7
The lady of the house like the previous day goes to the ponds with arwa chawal in a tonki. It is washed properly and having taken the bath, return to the house. The wet chawal is out on chhain for drying. Then the arwa chawal is made into fine particle (Gudi) with the help of Dhenki. Chalen/ChaIni (Sieve) is used to filter to fine parts. The Gudi prepared is made into solution with water and a gum like liquid extracted either from Gamhar (Gmelina arborea) leaf or on heating the stem of ladies finger. This helps in maintaining the continuity of the chawk. (Alpana) made with the solution. The Chawk is designed and prepared by the lady who happens to be in fasting and begins from the entrance. The design may vary from one clan to another. At the entrance lie a few branches of Surgunja/Genda flower, Chitchiti or Apang, a chunk of cow dung and a stone. The cow dung symbolizes purification, the stone gives the representation of Lord Nirakar Siva, the Surgunja/Genda flower welcome the cattle whereas the Chitchiti or events the entry of evil forces. The Chawk prepared is generally criss crossed squares, connected with one another and a triangle attached to the side arms of the square. The apex of the tingle is further joined with three curved lines. The squares, triangles and the curved lines are drawn with the four fingers of the right hand dipped into solution. Vermilion dote out on each joints, gives an attractive look to it. (Figure1) But mythologically it symbolizes breeding. The Goth puja is performed out side the village, on the way through which the cattle are generally drawn in and out. The Mahato/ Majhi/Pahan performs this Goth puja by making a chicken sacrifice or breaking of an egg. He further sprinkles the Gudi solution on the cattle and they (cattle) are made to cross through it. On completion of the chawk pura all the cattle are made to pass over it.
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The third day of Bandna parab better known as Barad Bhidka or Goru Khunta itself indicates typing of catties and force them to pay. Like the previous two days the cattle are as usually washed by the Bagals or elder members of the family and served with sufficient diet. But they take special care to decorate them in addition to smearing of Oil and vermilions. The Gudi solution is used to give a stamp mark with the held of a glass or Chilum on the whole body of the cattle. Now a day, people even use different colours as a substitute to Gucli to give them more attractive look. The headman of the family brings paddy straw in the same manner like the previous day and prepare the marwair for the cattle as well as to be hanged in the Dharna. In addition, a typical kind of knitting called 'Barhin' (a special kind of knitting with the paddy straw) is prepared, especially for Kada. The people of present generation find it even more difficult to knit the 'Barhin' as it is comparatively complicated. One can easily notice from the movement of the cattle, that they are in marrying mood.
The Khunta (pole) erected at the center of the Kulhi or at some open place is decorated with palm impression of Gudi solution and Sindoor tika put over it. The head of the pole is tied with Surgunja flowers to give a colorful looking. The bottom of the Khunta is purified with cow dung solution. A few circles of Gudi solution are made around the Khunta.
The bulls drawn out from the Gohal are tied to the pole one after another. The female members of the concerned family make a formal chuman before the actual barad bhidka ceremony takes place. The arwa chawl is thrown over the cattle and Diya is shown to the bull tied to the pole. The villagers first sing the Ahira geet and different types of musical instrument such as Dhol, Nagra and Madal etc. are simultaneously played. A few people with dry animal skin; old Ghang (leaf made rain coat) and colorful clothes try to tease the bull that in return try to push them back with his head. This created a very interesting scene, which fulfills the heart of every member present over there. Further the Kulkuli (a cheerful sound) produced by the spectators add fuel to the encouragement and enthusiasm of the players. This action is repeated to a number of times till the bull gets tired and is replaced by another one.
Sometimes Handia and Pitha are distributed to people participating in the occasion. The song sang on this occasion are as follows:
"Kahe Re Borda Dhulu Na Mulu Ho,
Mudo Kan Dela Na Girai Re,
Eshano Kheilo, Barda Khelbe,
Saitho Juwano Ghuri Jai Re"
(Jain 1987: 73)
(Oh bull! why are you nervous? Why are you bowing? You play such a game that sixty adults will accept defeat).
"Kati Khane Re Barda Charale Bajhale?
Kati Khane Karale Sinan Re?
Kati Khane Re Barda, Bir Mati Makhale?
Ekhan To Khunta Mariyai Re.
Adha Rati Pahar Rati Charalo Bajhal,
Bhinsare Karalaen Sinan Re,
Boriya Uthoite Bhala Biro Mati Makhalon.
Ekhan To Khunta Manyai Re"
(Jain 1987: 74)
(Oh bull! when did you graze? When did you bath? When did you besmear mud to get ready for dance? Now you have occupied the pole. I grazed at mid-night, bathed at the dawn and smeared mud with the rise of the sun and now I have occupied the pole)
At the dusk, the Nimcha-Nimchi process is repeated in the same manner of the previous day. It was also observed that in some part of the studied area the Nimcha-Nimchi of the cattle is carried out on both the days of Gohal puja and Barad Bhidka, whereas in some places it takes place only on the day of Barad Bhidka. Similarly, in some part of the studied area the Chawk Pura is done at afternoon, just before to the Gohalpuja whereas in other part it is done at the evening to welcome their cattle.
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Reference
Agrawal , D. P.; 1982 Archaeology of India. London; Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies.
Jain, Santosh Kumari; 1987 Kurmali Lokgeet: Ek Addhayan (in Hindi) Ranchi; Santosh Prakashan.
Mahato, P.P 2000 Sanskritization Vs Nirbakization. Calcutta; Sujan Publications
Megta B.K 1989 Kudmali Chari (in Kudmali), Ranchi, Mulki Kudmali, Bhaki Baishi.
Mital , Kanak 1986 Tribal Identity in Changing Industrial Environment. The Santal Case. New Delhi; Metropolitan Book Co.Pvt. Ltd.
Mohanty , B 1997 Festivals of Orissa. In P.K Mishra edited Comprehensie History and Cultural of Orissa. Vol. 2 New Delhi; Kaveri Books : 657-705.
Roy, S.C. 1912 The Munda and their Country, Calcutta; City Book Society.
Sankalia , H.D 1974 The Pre-history and Proto-history of India and Pakistan. Poona Deccan College.
Shukla C 1997 Bihar Ke Bedia (in Hindi). Ranchi , Bihar Tribal Welfare research Institute.
Singh, P.K 2000 Aapna Astistya Ki Lodhai Lodh Rahain Hain Jharkhand Ke Kurmi (in Hindi). Prabahat Khabar (Hindi daily publishing from Ranchi) Date 15-11-2000, Jharkhand Special Appendix 4, p.-6.
#WorldIndigenousDay
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples...!!!
What is UNDRIP? The UNDRIP is an international human rights instrument adopted by the UN General Assembly following over two decades of negotiations. It sets the minimum standard for treatment of Indigenous people and states that the rights contained within it “constitute the minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the indigenous people of the world.” The UNDRIP contains 24 preambular paragraphs and 46 articles. While it does not have any legal teeth, it is a significant milestone on the march to protection and promotion of Indigenous rights.
What is the purpose of the Declaration? To provide a mechanism to protect the individual and collective rights of Indigenous peoples, as well as their rights to culture, identity, language, employment, health, education, protection of traditional lands, as well as other issues. The Declaration includes many provisions that relate to the right of Indigenous peoples to participate in decision-making.
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was adopted by the General Assembly on Thursday, 13 September 2007, by a majority of 144 states in favour, 4 votes against (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States) and 11 abstentions (Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burundi, Colombia, Georgia, Kenya, Nigeria, Russian Federation, Samoa and Ukraine).
Nine years have passed since the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was adopted by the General Assembly. Since then, the four countries voting against have reversed their position and now support the Declaration. Today the Declaration is the most comprehensive international instrument on the rights of indigenous peoples. It establishes a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the indigenous peoples of the world and it elaborates on existing human rights standards and fundamental freedoms as they apply to the specific situation of indigenous peoples.
#WorldIndigenousDay
Today marks 14 years since the historic vote on Sept. 13, 2007, when 144 countries voted for the UN Declaration on the Rights of #IndigenousPeoples #UNDRIP. 11 abstained & 4 (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, US) voted against it. Now all 4 endorsed it. #IndigenousRights
TARTU UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF BIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY, INSTITUTE OF MOLECULAR AND CELL BIOLOGY, DEPARTMENT OF EVOLUTIONARY BIOLOGY
Mait Metspalu
COMMON MATERNAL LEGACY OF INDIAN CASTE AND TRIBAL POPULATIONS
M.Sc. Thesis
The excerpt from this report in brief which is for our purpose is as follows,
Five Indian populations (Lodha, Bhoksa, Tharu, Kanet and Kurmi) are surveyed here for mtDNA variation. The populations are chosen in order to compare mtDNA variation between geographical regions as well as on social axis. The dispute over indigenous inhabitants of South Asia has largely been an open question while tribals and Austro-Asiatic speakers in particular have most often collected the fame. Here we test this conjecture by comparing mtDNA lineages of Austro-Asiatic Lodha to those of other tribals and caste groups. Gene flow from adjacent geographical areas will be followed and defining new lineage groups will hopefully refine classification of Indian-specific mtDNA lineages.
The samples used in this study were collected from four scheduled tribes (Lodha n=56, Bhoksa n=23, Tharu n=36 and Kanet n=34) and one social community (Kurmi n=55) from West Bengal and Northern regions of India. (Fig. 9). Some of the samples, namely Bhoksa, Tharu, Kanet were sent to us as purified DNA and some (Lodha, Kurmi) as bloodstains. S. Mastana and S.S. Papiha kindly provided all the samples.
The Kanet are a tribal population in the Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh and make up most of the districts population. In (Singh 1997) all the inhabitants of the Kinnaur district are referred to as scheduled tribe Kinnaura, Kinnara or Kinnaurese. The two major social groups of the Kinnaura are the Khosia and the Beru. The Khosia 30 are Rajput and are also known as Kanet, Khash or Khasa. They own land and are agriculturists. The Kinnaura speak the Kinnauri dialect, which belongs to the Himalayan group of Tibeto-Burman family of languages. They use different local dialects of the IndoAryan language Himachili for inter-group communication. The Kinnaura religion is an admixture of Buddhism and Hinduism. The traditional occupations of the Kinnaura are agriculture, trade and sheep rearing, which they continue till today. ~70% of the workers are cultivators. The total population of the Kinnaura is ~48000 (1981 census). (Singh 1997) pp. 533-534
The Lodha are a tribal population living mostly in western part of Midnapore district of West Bengal were they are also known as Kheria and Kharia. To a lesser extent they are also present in the Mayurbhanj and Baleswar districts of Orissa. The total population of the Lodha is ~59000 (1981 census). Their mother tongue, lodha, is akin to Savara, an Austro-Asiatic language. They are fluent in Bengali, which they use to communicate with other communities (the Lodhas in Orissa also speak Oriya). Traditionally the Lodhas have provided themselves by forest dwelling, hunting and gathering (grass-rope making in Orissa). Of the 40% of workers among the Lodhas 40% are engaged in forestry, fishing, hunting, etc., and another 40% are agricultural labourers. In Orissa the per cent of agriculturists is higher. Vast majority of the Lodhas are Hinduists. ~17% claim to be Christians. (Singh 1997) pp. 694-697 The Bhoksa are a Himalayan community (scheduled tribe) that inhabits the terai* areas of Bijnor district of Uttar Pradesh and Dehradun, Nainital and Pauri Garhwal districts of Uttaranchal. In Dehradun district they are also referred to as Mehre or Mehra. They speak Hindi and write in Devanagari script. The total population of the Bhoksa is ~32000 (1981 census). The traditional and primary occupations of the Bhoksa are agriculture and animal husbandry. Over 99% of the Bhoksa are Hinduists. (Singh 1997) pp. 146-149 * a belt of marshy land at the foot of the Himalayas mountains: moderate climate, dense to thin forests and medium rainfall, also tarai 31 The Tharu are a well-studied community (scheduled tribe) of Uttar Pradesh who live close to the border of Nepal, and are widely dispersed in the Districts of Baharaich, Gonda, Gorakhpur, Kheri (Lakhimpur) and Nainital district of Uttaranchal. Their total population in India is ~96000 (1981 census). ~99% of the Tharus are rural. Most of the Tharus live in southern Nepal (terai areas) where they number about 720,000. The Tharu trace their origin to Rajput forefathers, who fled from the great battle described in the epic Mahabharata. (For popular article on the Tharus see also: National Geographic Magazine, September 2000). They inhabit the terai areas. Their mother tongue Tharu belongs to the central group of the Indo-Aryan family of languages. They use Hindi for inter-group communication and write in Devanagari script. The Tharu are a landholding community with individual proprietorship of land. They did hunt and gather food in the past, but presently they depend on settled cultivation. Although nearly 100% of the Tharus are Hinduists, they use alcoholic beverages and eat beef. Despite their patrilineal social system, women have property rights greatly exceeding those recognized in Hindu society. (Singh 1997) pp. 1137-1140 Apart from West Bengal
The Kurmi are also concentrated in Bihar and UP where they represented respectively 3.6 and 3.5% of the population in 1931. The Kurmi generally work as cultivators and are looked at as middle caste peasants but they claim to be Kshatriyas.
Treatment of bloodstains Several discs of 3 mm diameter were cut from the bloodstains on Guthrie cards. The discs were then vortexed in 1 ml of deionised water for 30 minutes (modification from (Makowski et al. 1995). Following the aspiration of the water, the discs were incubated in 100ยตl methanol for 15 minutes, after what the methanol was removed. Next, 100ยตl 5mM NaOH/NaCl mix and 20ยตl EDTA (end concentration 0,2 mM) was added. Mineral oil was added to protect the sample from evaporation while heating at 100ยบC for 10 minutes. Then the samples were placed on ice. Method was developed in our department by Jรผri Parik. All the samples were kept at -20ยบC. 32 PCR conditions Various regions of the mtDNA were amplified using the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) (Saiki et al. 1988): Hypervariable Segments I and II (HVS-I HVS-II) in D-loop and different RFLP sites over mitochondrial DNA coding region. PCR was carried out with the thermocycler “Biometra UNO II” usually in total volume of 15-20ยตl.
It is often speculated that the tribal populations (especially the Austro-Asiatic speakers in the east and Dravidian-speaking tribes in the south) of India might be the relics of the first wave of the anatomically modern human immigration to India (Papiha 1996; Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994). So far, mtDNA studies have revealed no grounds for such speculations. The lineages present in tribals fit well into the framework of the variation seen in non-tribal groups (Kivisild et al. 1999a) (Kivisild et al. manuscript in preparation). It has to be noted, though, that no detailed mtDNA study on Austro-Asiatic speaking tribals has been published yet.
The Lodha are a tribal population living mostly in western part of Midnapore district of West Bengal were they are also known as Kheria and Kharia. To a lesser extent they are also present in the Mayurbhanj and Baleswar districts of Orissa. The total population of the Lodha is ~59000 (1981 census). Their mother tongue, lodha, is akin to Savara, an Austro-Asiatic language. They are fluent in Bengali, which they use to communicate with other communities (the Lodhas in Orissa also speak Oriya). Traditionally the Lodhas have provided themselves by forest dwelling, hunting and gathering (grass-rope making in Orissa). Of the 40% of workers among the Lodhas 40% are engaged in forestry, fishing, hunting, etc., and another 40% are agricultural labourers. In Orissa the per cent of agriculturists is higher. Vast majority of the Lodhas are Hinduists. ~17% claim to be Christians.
Apart from West Bengal the Kurmi are also concentrated in Bihar and UP where they represented respectively 3.6 and 3.5% of the population in 1931. The Kurmi generally work as cultivators and are looked at as middle caste peasants but they claim to be Kshatriyas.
Table 3 presents the frequencies of the mtDNA haplogroups found in the studied five populations (see also supplementary material for full data table). For better characterisation of spatial differences in mtDNA lineages distribution in India, the populations were grouped by their geographical origin: Kanet from Himachal Pradesh, Tharu and Bhoksa from northern districts of Uttar Pradesh and Uttaranchal as a northern group; Lodha and Kurmi from West Bengal as an eastern group. As already established in several studies (Passarino et al. 1996a; Passarino et al. 1996b; Bamshad et al. 1997; Kivisild et al. 1999a; Bamshad et al. 2001), the dominant mtDNA lineage cluster in Indian populations is the Asian-specific M defined by gains of DdeI and AluI restriction sites at np 10394 and 10397, respectively. An average frequency of haplogroup Hg M in the studied populations was 76%, while the eastern group showed considerably higher Hg M frequency than the northern one, 93% and 57%, respectively. All the Lodhas included in this study fall into Hg M. It should be noted, however, that in another study where 32 Lodha mtDNAs were typed for Hgs M and U, the corresponding frequencies were 82% and 18% (Roychoudhury et al. 2000).
In concordance with previous reports, the subclusters of Hg M found in our study were largely Indian-specific (Quintana-Murci et al. 1999; Kivisild et al. 1999b; Bamshad et al. 2001). Eastern Asian M derivates C, D and E, accounted for only 3% each in the Kanet population. Among the Tharus the frequencies for Hgs C and D were 3% and 6%, respectively. It is worthwhile noting that the populations from West Bengal lacked eastern Asian Hg M varieties completely. This is also true for the upper cast people from West Bengal (our unpublished data).
Of the Hg M subclusters, M3 is the most widespread in the populations under study – the Kurmi being the only ones lacking this haplogroup (see Table 3). M4a and M6 discriminate the northern and eastern populations, as M4a is present only in the former and M6 only in the latter. This segregation is not maintained when additional data of many different Indian populations is included – both M4 and M6 have representatives from many populations of different social rank, geographical origin and linguistic background (our unpublished data).
A number of Hg M lineages could not be ascribed to any of the defined Hg M subhaplogroups. The greedy network (Bandelt et al. 2000) based on HVS-I sequence variation of these lineages (M*) (Fig. 11) reveals an extensive diversity, in particular in the northern populations. The Lodhas show the least amount of variation and fall into only a few (8) haplotypes. In general, this analysis does not reveal any strictly population- or region-specific lineage groups. There is only one lineage with considerable length (substitutions at nps 16147, 16189, 16243, 16278, 16362) what is present only among one population, the Kurmis. Given the seemingly starlike topology of the tree (Fig.11), it was possible to calculate the coalescence time for these lineages which yielded 62,000 ± 6500 years BP. Coalescence estimate of 40,000 ± 2000 years BP. for M* lineages was calculated from a much large dataset including 360 individuals (Mountain et al. 1995; Bamshad et al. 1996; Kivisild et al. 1999a) (our unpublished data). The large contrast in these estimates is most likely caused by demographic histories of the Kurmis and Lodhas. Probably because of a bottleneck event and/or by a founder effect, most of them harbour only few haplotypes. This, in turn, disrupts the starlike topology of the tree. Indeed, when Lodhas and Kurmis are excluded from the expansion time calculation, the result becomes close to that observed with the large dataset, being 43,000 ± 7300.
A vast majority of the Hg U lineages in the studied populations belong to two Indianspecific varieties - U2i and U7 (Kivisild et al. 1999a). The frequency of Hg U lineages is higher among the northern populations - 16%, while that of the eastern group is only 5% (8% if data of (Roychoudhury et al. 2000) is included). This is because the Lodhas included into this study lack Hg U. European-specific U4 and U5 are both represented by only one individual from the Tharu and Kanet, respectively.
Based on genetic studies of classical markers (summarised in (Papiha 1996), linguistic data and archaeology, peopling of India is usually discussed bearing in mind just two putative large-scale immigration waves of anatomically modern humans to the subcontinent. Firstly, the demic diffusion of Dravidic speakers coinciding with the arrival of several varieties of wheat and other cereals some 8000 – 9000 years ago from the Fertile Crescent (Diamond 1997; Renfrew 1989). Secondly, a more widely discussed scenario is in a presumed invasion of nomadic Indo-Aryan tribes around 4000 BP either from the west or from the Central Asian steppes in the north. Literature about the latter is huge and still growing, often mixed with clearly political rhetoric. However, both theories leave completely open the question about the “indigenous”, pre-Neolithic inhabitants of India. In some papers the present-day tribal populations (especially the Austro-Asiatic speakers) of India are considered to be descendants of these original inhabitants of South Asia (Papiha 1996; Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994; Gadgil 1997).
To this date no Austro-Asiatic speaking Indian tribal population has been studied in detail for mtDNA variation. The Lodha, Munda and Santal tribals have been typed for the frequencies of haplogroups M, U, A and D (Roychoudhury et al. 2000). These results showed that in haplogroup frequencies Austro-Asiatic tribals are composed as the rest of Indians - of Hgs M and U.
Here we analysed mtDNA sequence variation in one of the Austro-Asiatic speaking tribals – the Lodhas – in detail. It became evident that the Lodhas have gone through demographic bottleneck and/or represent a population with strongly manifested narrow founder effect and, in result, exhibit only a limited extent of variation in their maternal lineages. Nevertheless, the Hg M lineages present among the Lodhas fit well into the framework of Indian varieties of this super-cluster of human mtDNA. Moreover, all the Hg M and U lineages found in the studied four tribal populations, with the exception of one Kurmi lineage, have representatives in a wide range of different Indian populations, described earlier by us and others (Mountain et al. 1995; Kivisild et al. 1999a; Kivisild et al. 2000) (our unpublished data). The mtDNA data, therefore, suggest a common origin for Indian tribal and caste groups. This may seem 42 to be in conflict with earlier interpretations by i) Das and colleagues for example, who demonstrated by frequency distributions of classical genetic markers that IndoEuropean and Austro-Asiatic speaking tribals showed little genetic affinity (Das et al. 1996) and to ii) overall conclusion of S. S. Papiha in the review of classical genetic studies of Indian populations, that tribal populations are in general well differentiated from the nontribal castes or communities (Papiha 1996). However, these differences are likely due to different approaches used: allele frequency based statistics and genealogical approach.
Our mtDNA-based analyses do not support the idea that tribals or Austro-Asiatic speakers in particular, are genetically different from the cast groups of India in principle. Rather, the differences (even significant) can be attributed to genetic drift (including bottlenecks, founder effects etc.), changing frequencies but not lineage clusters (clades), which the tribal populations share with the rest of Indian populations – and, as a rule, do not share with other Eurasian or African populations. Nevertheless, we admit that additional data on other Austro-Asiatic speakers of India and beyond is needed to draw more detailed picture of their genetic affinities within India and with contiguous areas.
In contrast to that, studied by us eastern Indian tribal populations did not show any admixture with East Asians whatsoever. For the Lodha and Kurmi, their particular demographic histories could be indicative: both populations show only a little variation and, therefore, they might have lost the East Asian lineages. Yet, most likely they never had East Asian lineages at substantial frequencies as, given the number of lineages left among these populations (30 haplotypes out of 111 samples examined), the probability that they have lost all East Asian haplotypes by means of drift is negligible. The argument of lineage loss is also not applicable to explain the lack of East Asian maternal lineages among the upper cast sample of West Bengal (our unpublished data), who show no sign of severe bottleneck in their demographic history. High population density over a long time period, making the region less prone to the effect of immigration could, among other interpretations, serve as an explanation.
The mtDNA lineages arising from the central node of Hg M that have so far not been assigned to any subcluster of Hg M, form the M* lineages. As the Lodhas and Kurmis did not show starlike topology on the greedy network of M* (Fig. 11), they had to be excluded from the coalescence time calculation. Based on the remaining data of Tharus, Bhoksas and Kanets the expansion time for the Indian M* was estimated as 43,000 ± 7300 BP. To further narrow the error margins, a dataset of 362 M* lineages 44 covering different areas and socio-cultural backgrounds of India, was included and in result, expansion time of 40000 ± 2000 years BP was found. Analyses yielding somewhat or significantly earlier Indian Hg M coalescence estimates, ranging from ~47,000 – ~65,000 BP (Kivisild et al. 1999b) and (Mountain et al. 1995) respectively, included sequence information of all Indian M subclusters in the former, and additionally even some African sequences in the latter case, therefore blurring the expansion time estimate of the central M node in India.
The report is very technical to be read and understood. However, a meticulous reading and interpretation of the same says that Lodhas and Kurmis (It should be read as Kudmis as the same has been misspelled as usual in the report; In West Bengal we have Kudmis and not Kurmis) are the idegenous group originated much before other indigenous groups of Jahrkhand (greater Jahrakhnd which encompasses areas of Jharkhnad, Bihar, West Begnal and Orissa.
Sanjay has added the following which is more easy to understand.
เค เคซ्เคฐीเคा เคฎें anatomically modern human เคชเคจเคชा । เคिเคธเคो mitochondrial DNA Haplogroup L เคเคนा เคเคฏा । L mutate เคนो เคเคฐ L1, L2, L3, L4...... เคฌเคจा । L3 เค เคซ्เคฐीเคा เคธे เคฌाเคนเคฐ เคจिเคเคฒा । เคฌाเคนเคฐ เค เคเคฐ L3 mutate เคนो เคเคฐ N เคเคฐ M เคฌเคจा । N เคเคฒा เคเคฏा Europe เคी เคเคฐ । M เคฆो เคญाเค เคฌंเค เคเคฏा । เคเค เคนिเคฎाเคฒเคฏ เคे เคเคค्เคคเคฐ เคी เคเคฐ เคธे เคนोเคคे เคนुเค เคชूเคฐ्เคตी เคเคถिเคฏा เคฎें เคเคฒा เคเคฏा เคเคฐ เคฆुเคธเคฐा เค เคเคฏा south Asia เคฎें । South Asia เคตाเคฒा M เคฌिเคเคฐเคคे เคนुเค เคธเคฎुเคฆ्เคฐ เคे เคिเคจाเคฐे เคिเคจाเคฐे south east Asia เคนोเคคे เคนुเค Australia เคคเค เคชเคนुंเค เคเคฏा । เคธเคญी เคเคเคน เคธเคฎเคฏ เคे เคธाเคฅ mt DNA Haplogroup M เคฎें mutation เคे เคธाเคฅ เคชเคฐिเคตเคฐ्เคคเคจ เคนोเคคा เคเคฏा । เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें เคญी Haplogroup M เคฎें เคธเคฎเคฏ เคे เคธाเคฅ mutation เคนोเคคा เคฐเคนा เคเคฐ เคंเคธाเคจ เค เคฒเค-เค เคฒเค เค्เคฐुเคช เคฎें เคฌंเคเคคे เคเค । เค เคญी เคคเค เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें macrohaplogroup M mutate เคนो เคเคฐ M 2, M3, M4, M5, M6, M18, M25, M30, M31, M33, M34, M35, M36, M37, M38, M39, M40, M41, M42, M43, M45, M48, M49, M50 เคฎें เคฌंเคे เคนैं । เคเคธเคे เค เคฒाเคตे เคเคจ เคธเคญी เคे subgroup เคญी เคฌเคจे เคนैं । เคฏเคนां เคคเค เคिเคธी เคाเคคि เคเคจเคाเคคि เคจเคถ्เคฒ เคा เคोเค เค เคฐ्เคฅ เคจเคนीं เคนै เค्เคฏोंเคि เคो เคเค เคธाเคฅ เคฐเคน เคเค เคเคจ्เคนोंเคจे เคเค เคाเคคि เคเคจเคाเคคि เคจเคถ्เคฒ เคा เคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เคเคฐ เคฒिเคฏा । เคเคธी เคฒिเค เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें เคฐเคนเคจे เคตाเคฒे เคธเคญी เคจเคถ्เคฒ เคे เคฒोเคों เคฎें 70% เคฎें เคตिเคญिเคจ्เคจ M เค्เคฐुเคช เคฎिเคฒเคคा เคนी เคนै । เคเคนां เคคเค เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें ancient settler เคे เคชเคนเคाเคจ เคी เคฌाเคค เคนै เคคो เคฒोเค เคฎाเคจ เคเคฐ เคเคฒเคคे เคนैं เคी เคเค เคो เคเคฆिเคตाเคธी ST เคนैं Haplogroup M2 เคตाเคฒे เคตे เคนी ancient settlers เคนैं । เคชเคฐ เคเคธ เคคเคฅ्เคฏ เคो เคจเคเคฐंเคฆाเค เคเคฐ เคฆेเคคे เคนैं เคी M2 , Haplogroup M เคธे เคจिเคเคฒा เคนुเค เคนै เคเคฐ เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें เคเค เคธเคฎुเคน เคนैं เคिเคจเคฎे Haplogroup M เคा mt DNA , 85 เคธे 95% เค เคฌ เคญी เคฎौเคूเคฆ เคนै । เคคो เคญाเคฐเคค เคा ancient settler เคिเคธे เคเคนเคจा เคाเคนिเค? เคाเคนिเคฐ เคธी เคฌाเคค เคนै เคिเคธ เคाเคคि เคเคจเคाเคคि เคธเคฎुเคน เคे เคธैเคฎ्เคชเคฒ เคฎें mt DNA Haplogroup M เคธเคฐ्เคตाเคงिเค เคชाเคฏा เคाเคคा เคนै । เคฏाเคจि เคिเคจเคฎें เคเค เคญी mt DNA Haplogroup M เคे เคीเคจ เค เคชเคจी เคชुเคฐाเคจी เค เคตเคธ्เคฅा เคฎें เคฎौเคूเคฆ เคนै ।
Kudumali Tel Sindur Lagan Geet Ohi re kono Singe lebe Barada Kanya Karaya Tel || Kono singe lebe re sindur || Kono singe lebe Barada J...
