Monday, August 14, 2023

Chitew parab

 





Chitew parab
By- Satananda Hindoiar
One of the major parab of Aboriginal Kudmi.They  observe in the month of saraban "Ropa Mas" before the 15 days of Gomha parab. This month mostly Kudmi people are working in their agricultural field specially everywhere and  every time in mud water  so that there is chance of spreading many diseases from bacteria, Parasites and viruses  to safeguard himself from disease this parab is specially observe

How it Observe



Specially" Gendahek pitha" are eaten by every kudmi people so that eye related diseases  are not engaged. In the evening used " Nim ,Kusum" oil in their  lower  foot  because it's good medium for bacteria and parasites enter in their body so that nim and kusum oil is used to safe guards from infection .
In the evening kudmi are sing and dance with Ropa geet jhumar in this way they observe Chitew parab 

Wednesday, August 9, 2023

World Tribal Day

 



#WorldIndigenousDay


The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples...!!!


What is UNDRIP? The UNDRIP is an international human rights instrument adopted by the UN General Assembly following over two decades of negotiations. It sets the minimum standard for treatment of Indigenous people and states that the rights contained within it “constitute the minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the indigenous people of the world.” The UNDRIP contains 24 preambular paragraphs and 46 articles. While it does not have any legal teeth, it is a significant milestone on the march to protection and promotion of Indigenous rights.


What is the purpose of the Declaration? To provide a mechanism to protect the individual and collective rights of Indigenous peoples, as well as their rights to culture, identity, language, employment, health, education, protection of traditional lands, as well as other issues. The Declaration includes many provisions that relate to the right of Indigenous peoples to participate in decision-making.


United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was adopted by the General Assembly on Thursday, 13 September 2007, by a majority of 144 states in favour, 4 votes against (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States) and 11 abstentions (Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burundi, Colombia, Georgia, Kenya, Nigeria, Russian Federation, Samoa and Ukraine).

Nine years have passed since the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was adopted by the General Assembly. Since then, the four countries voting against have reversed their position and now support the Declaration. Today the Declaration is the most comprehensive international instrument on the rights of indigenous peoples. It establishes a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the indigenous peoples of the world and it elaborates on existing human rights standards and fundamental freedoms as they apply to the specific situation of indigenous peoples.


#WorldIndigenousDay 

Today marks 14 years since the historic vote on Sept. 13, 2007, when 144 countries voted for the UN Declaration on the Rights of #IndigenousPeoples #UNDRIP. 11 abstained & 4 (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, US) voted against it. Now all 4 endorsed it. #IndigenousRights

Monday, August 7, 2023

Karam parab










The Karam festival is primarily celebrated by the tribal communities of Chotanagpur region in India. It is one of the most significant festivals for these communities, especially the Kudmi tribe. Here are some key details about the Karam festival:

◆Duration: The festival lasts for around 15 days and typically falls in the month of Bhadra (August-September) according to Bengali Calender & Karam Maas (Bhadar) according to Kudmali Calender.

◆ Rituals and Celebrations: The festival begins with the planting of the Karam tree, which is a branch or sapling of the sacred Karam tree. The tree is worshipped and songs and dances are performed around it. The Karam tree symbolizes the deity Karam Goshai (God)and is considered the epitome of fertility and prosperity.
The unmarried girls decorate a small basket with germinating seeds it's called Jawa.It is believed that the worship for good germination of the grains would increase the fertility. The girls offer green melons to the Karam deity as a symbol of ‘son’.

◆Dance and Music: Folk dances like Jhumar,Pata Nacch are an integral part of the Karam festival. People dress in traditional attire and perform these dances with enthusiasm. Music is an essential element, and traditional instruments like Dhamsa,Madol and Nagada are used during the festivities.

◆Social Significance: The Karam festival is not just a religious celebration but also an occasion for socializing and rejuvenation. Community members come together to showcase their cultural heritage, exchange gifts, and strengthen social bonds.

◆Harvest Theme: Since the festival coincides with the beginning of the harvest season, it is centered around agricultural activities. The freshly harvested crops are used in preparing special dishes and offerings to the deity.

The Karam festival is a time of joy, thanksgiving, and merriment for the Kudmi community and other tribal groups. It reflects their close connection with nature, their agricultural livelihood, and their rich cultural heritage.

✍️Rajesh Mahato
 

Tuesday, August 1, 2023

DNA study report of kudmi community



 Spoke to Sanjay Kumar who has better knoweldge about the M haplogroup and he sent me this report,


TARTU UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF BIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY, INSTITUTE OF MOLECULAR AND CELL BIOLOGY, DEPARTMENT OF EVOLUTIONARY BIOLOGY 

Mait Metspalu 

COMMON MATERNAL LEGACY OF INDIAN CASTE AND TRIBAL POPULATIONS 

M.Sc. Thesis


The excerpt from this report in brief which is for our purpose is as follows,


Five Indian populations (Lodha, Bhoksa, Tharu, Kanet and Kurmi) are surveyed here for mtDNA variation. The populations are chosen in order to compare mtDNA variation between geographical regions as well as on social axis. The dispute over indigenous inhabitants of South Asia has largely been an open question while tribals and Austro-Asiatic speakers in particular have most often collected the fame. Here we test this conjecture by comparing mtDNA lineages of Austro-Asiatic Lodha to those of other tribals and caste groups. Gene flow from adjacent geographical areas will be followed and defining new lineage groups will hopefully refine classification of Indian-specific mtDNA lineages.


The samples used in this study were collected from four scheduled tribes (Lodha n=56, Bhoksa n=23, Tharu n=36 and Kanet n=34) and one social community (Kurmi n=55) from West Bengal and Northern regions of India. (Fig. 9). Some of the samples, namely Bhoksa, Tharu, Kanet were sent to us as purified DNA and some (Lodha, Kurmi) as bloodstains. S. Mastana and S.S. Papiha kindly provided all the samples.


The Kanet are a tribal population in the Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh and make up most of the districts population. In (Singh 1997) all the inhabitants of the Kinnaur district are referred to as scheduled tribe Kinnaura, Kinnara or Kinnaurese. The two major social groups of the Kinnaura are the Khosia and the Beru. The Khosia 30 are Rajput and are also known as Kanet, Khash or Khasa. They own land and are agriculturists. The Kinnaura speak the Kinnauri dialect, which belongs to the Himalayan group of Tibeto-Burman family of languages. They use different local dialects of the IndoAryan language Himachili for inter-group communication. The Kinnaura religion is an admixture of Buddhism and Hinduism. The traditional occupations of the Kinnaura are agriculture, trade and sheep rearing, which they continue till today. ~70% of the workers are cultivators. The total population of the Kinnaura is ~48000 (1981 census). (Singh 1997) pp. 533-534 


The Lodha are a tribal population living mostly in western part of Midnapore district of West Bengal were they are also known as Kheria and Kharia. To a lesser extent they are also present in the Mayurbhanj and Baleswar districts of Orissa. The total population of the Lodha is ~59000 (1981 census). Their mother tongue, lodha, is akin to Savara, an Austro-Asiatic language. They are fluent in Bengali, which they use to communicate with other communities (the Lodhas in Orissa also speak Oriya). Traditionally the Lodhas have provided themselves by forest dwelling, hunting and gathering (grass-rope making in Orissa). Of the 40% of workers among the Lodhas 40% are engaged in forestry, fishing, hunting, etc., and another 40% are agricultural labourers. In Orissa the per cent of agriculturists is higher. Vast majority of the Lodhas are Hinduists. ~17% claim to be Christians. (Singh 1997) pp. 694-697 The Bhoksa are a Himalayan community (scheduled tribe) that inhabits the terai* areas of Bijnor district of Uttar Pradesh and Dehradun, Nainital and Pauri Garhwal districts of Uttaranchal. In Dehradun district they are also referred to as Mehre or Mehra. They speak Hindi and write in Devanagari script. The total population of the Bhoksa is ~32000 (1981 census). The traditional and primary occupations of the Bhoksa are agriculture and animal husbandry. Over 99% of the Bhoksa are Hinduists. (Singh 1997) pp. 146-149 * a belt of marshy land at the foot of the Himalayas mountains: moderate climate, dense to thin forests and medium rainfall, also tarai 31 The Tharu are a well-studied community (scheduled tribe) of Uttar Pradesh who live close to the border of Nepal, and are widely dispersed in the Districts of Baharaich, Gonda, Gorakhpur, Kheri (Lakhimpur) and Nainital district of Uttaranchal. Their total population in India is ~96000 (1981 census). ~99% of the Tharus are rural. Most of the Tharus live in southern Nepal (terai areas) where they number about 720,000. The Tharu trace their origin to Rajput forefathers, who fled from the great battle described in the epic Mahabharata. (For popular article on the Tharus see also: National Geographic Magazine, September 2000). They inhabit the terai areas. Their mother tongue Tharu belongs to the central group of the Indo-Aryan family of languages. They use Hindi for inter-group communication and write in Devanagari script. The Tharu are a landholding community with individual proprietorship of land. They did hunt and gather food in the past, but presently they depend on settled cultivation. Although nearly 100% of the Tharus are Hinduists, they use alcoholic beverages and eat beef. Despite their patrilineal social system, women have property rights greatly exceeding those recognized in Hindu society. (Singh 1997) pp. 1137-1140 Apart from West Bengal


The Kurmi are also concentrated in Bihar and UP where they represented respectively 3.6 and 3.5% of the population in 1931. The Kurmi generally work as cultivators and are looked at as middle caste peasants but they claim to be Kshatriyas. 


Treatment of bloodstains Several discs of 3 mm diameter were cut from the bloodstains on Guthrie cards. The discs were then vortexed in 1 ml of deionised water for 30 minutes (modification from (Makowski et al. 1995). Following the aspiration of the water, the discs were incubated in 100µl methanol for 15 minutes, after what the methanol was removed. Next, 100µl 5mM NaOH/NaCl mix and 20µl EDTA (end concentration 0,2 mM) was added. Mineral oil was added to protect the sample from evaporation while heating at 100ºC for 10 minutes. Then the samples were placed on ice. Method was developed in our department by Jüri Parik. All the samples were kept at -20ºC. 32 PCR conditions Various regions of the mtDNA were amplified using the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) (Saiki et al. 1988): Hypervariable Segments I and II (HVS-I HVS-II) in D-loop and different RFLP sites over mitochondrial DNA coding region. PCR was carried out with the thermocycler “Biometra UNO II” usually in total volume of 15-20µl.


It is often speculated that the tribal populations (especially the Austro-Asiatic speakers in the east and Dravidian-speaking tribes in the south) of India might be the relics of the first wave of the anatomically modern human immigration to India (Papiha 1996; Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994). So far, mtDNA studies have revealed no grounds for such speculations. The lineages present in tribals fit well into the framework of the variation seen in non-tribal groups (Kivisild et al. 1999a) (Kivisild et al. manuscript in preparation). It has to be noted, though, that no detailed mtDNA study on Austro-Asiatic speaking tribals has been published yet.


The Lodha are a tribal population living mostly in western part of Midnapore district of West Bengal were they are also known as Kheria and Kharia. To a lesser extent they are also present in the Mayurbhanj and Baleswar districts of Orissa. The total population of the Lodha is ~59000 (1981 census). Their mother tongue, lodha, is akin to Savara, an Austro-Asiatic language. They are fluent in Bengali, which they use to communicate with other communities (the Lodhas in Orissa also speak Oriya). Traditionally the Lodhas have provided themselves by forest dwelling, hunting and gathering (grass-rope making in Orissa). Of the 40% of workers among the Lodhas 40% are engaged in forestry, fishing, hunting, etc., and another 40% are agricultural labourers. In Orissa the per cent of agriculturists is higher. Vast majority of the Lodhas are Hinduists. ~17% claim to be Christians.


Apart from West Bengal the Kurmi are also concentrated in Bihar and UP where they represented respectively 3.6 and 3.5% of the population in 1931. The Kurmi generally work as cultivators and are looked at as middle caste peasants but they claim to be Kshatriyas.

Table 3 presents the frequencies of the mtDNA haplogroups found in the studied five populations (see also supplementary material for full data table). For better characterisation of spatial differences in mtDNA lineages distribution in India, the populations were grouped by their geographical origin: Kanet from Himachal Pradesh, Tharu and Bhoksa from northern districts of Uttar Pradesh and Uttaranchal as a northern group; Lodha and Kurmi from West Bengal as an eastern group. As already established in several studies (Passarino et al. 1996a; Passarino et al. 1996b; Bamshad et al. 1997; Kivisild et al. 1999a; Bamshad et al. 2001), the dominant mtDNA lineage cluster in Indian populations is the Asian-specific M defined by gains of DdeI and AluI restriction sites at np 10394 and 10397, respectively. An average frequency of haplogroup Hg M in the studied populations was 76%, while the eastern group showed considerably higher Hg M frequency than the northern one, 93% and 57%, respectively. All the Lodhas included in this study fall into Hg M. It should be noted, however, that in another study where 32 Lodha mtDNAs were typed for Hgs M and U, the corresponding frequencies were 82% and 18% (Roychoudhury et al. 2000).

In concordance with previous reports, the subclusters of Hg M found in our study were largely Indian-specific (Quintana-Murci et al. 1999; Kivisild et al. 1999b; Bamshad et al. 2001). Eastern Asian M derivates C, D and E, accounted for only 3% each in the Kanet population. Among the Tharus the frequencies for Hgs C and D were 3% and 6%, respectively. It is worthwhile noting that the populations from West Bengal lacked eastern Asian Hg M varieties completely. This is also true for the upper cast people from West Bengal (our unpublished data).


Of the Hg M subclusters, M3 is the most widespread in the populations under study – the Kurmi being the only ones lacking this haplogroup (see Table 3). M4a and M6 discriminate the northern and eastern populations, as M4a is present only in the former and M6 only in the latter. This segregation is not maintained when additional data of many different Indian populations is included – both M4 and M6 have representatives from many populations of different social rank, geographical origin and linguistic background (our unpublished data).


A number of Hg M lineages could not be ascribed to any of the defined Hg M subhaplogroups. The greedy network (Bandelt et al. 2000) based on HVS-I sequence variation of these lineages (M*) (Fig. 11) reveals an extensive diversity, in particular in the northern populations. The Lodhas show the least amount of variation and fall into only a few (8) haplotypes. In general, this analysis does not reveal any strictly population- or region-specific lineage groups. There is only one lineage with considerable length (substitutions at nps 16147, 16189, 16243, 16278, 16362) what is present only among one population, the Kurmis. Given the seemingly starlike topology of the tree (Fig.11), it was possible to calculate the coalescence time for these lineages which yielded 62,000 ± 6500 years BP. Coalescence estimate of 40,000 ± 2000 years BP. for M* lineages was calculated from a much large dataset including 360 individuals (Mountain et al. 1995; Bamshad et al. 1996; Kivisild et al. 1999a) (our unpublished data). The large contrast in these estimates is most likely caused by demographic histories of the Kurmis and Lodhas. Probably because of a bottleneck event and/or by a founder effect, most of them harbour only few haplotypes. This, in turn, disrupts the starlike topology of the tree. Indeed, when Lodhas and Kurmis are excluded from the expansion time calculation, the result becomes close to that observed with the large dataset, being 43,000 ± 7300.


A vast majority of the Hg U lineages in the studied populations belong to two Indianspecific varieties - U2i and U7 (Kivisild et al. 1999a). The frequency of Hg U lineages is higher among the northern populations - 16%, while that of the eastern group is only 5% (8% if data of (Roychoudhury et al. 2000) is included). This is because the Lodhas included into this study lack Hg U. European-specific U4 and U5 are both represented by only one individual from the Tharu and Kanet, respectively.


Based on genetic studies of classical markers (summarised in (Papiha 1996), linguistic data and archaeology, peopling of India is usually discussed bearing in mind just two putative large-scale immigration waves of anatomically modern humans to the subcontinent. Firstly, the demic diffusion of Dravidic speakers coinciding with the arrival of several varieties of wheat and other cereals some 8000 – 9000 years ago from the Fertile Crescent (Diamond 1997; Renfrew 1989). Secondly, a more widely discussed scenario is in a presumed invasion of nomadic Indo-Aryan tribes around 4000 BP either from the west or from the Central Asian steppes in the north. Literature about the latter is huge and still growing, often mixed with clearly political rhetoric. However, both theories leave completely open the question about the “indigenous”, pre-Neolithic inhabitants of India. In some papers the present-day tribal populations (especially the Austro-Asiatic speakers) of India are considered to be descendants of these original inhabitants of South Asia (Papiha 1996; Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994; Gadgil 1997).


To this date no Austro-Asiatic speaking Indian tribal population has been studied in detail for mtDNA variation. The Lodha, Munda and Santal tribals have been typed for the frequencies of haplogroups M, U, A and D (Roychoudhury et al. 2000). These results showed that in haplogroup frequencies Austro-Asiatic tribals are composed as the rest of Indians - of Hgs M and U.


Here we analysed mtDNA sequence variation in one of the Austro-Asiatic speaking tribals – the Lodhas – in detail. It became evident that the Lodhas have gone through demographic bottleneck and/or represent a population with strongly manifested narrow founder effect and, in result, exhibit only a limited extent of variation in their maternal lineages. Nevertheless, the Hg M lineages present among the Lodhas fit well into the framework of Indian varieties of this super-cluster of human mtDNA. Moreover, all the Hg M and U lineages found in the studied four tribal populations, with the exception of one Kurmi lineage, have representatives in a wide range of different Indian populations, described earlier by us and others (Mountain et al. 1995; Kivisild et al. 1999a; Kivisild et al. 2000) (our unpublished data). The mtDNA data, therefore, suggest a common origin for Indian tribal and caste groups. This may seem 42 to be in conflict with earlier interpretations by i) Das and colleagues for example, who demonstrated by frequency distributions of classical genetic markers that IndoEuropean and Austro-Asiatic speaking tribals showed little genetic affinity (Das et al. 1996) and to ii) overall conclusion of S. S. Papiha in the review of classical genetic studies of Indian populations, that tribal populations are in general well differentiated from the nontribal castes or communities (Papiha 1996). However, these differences are likely due to different approaches used: allele frequency based statistics and genealogical approach.


Our mtDNA-based analyses do not support the idea that tribals or Austro-Asiatic speakers in particular, are genetically different from the cast groups of India in principle. Rather, the differences (even significant) can be attributed to genetic drift (including bottlenecks, founder effects etc.), changing frequencies but not lineage clusters (clades), which the tribal populations share with the rest of Indian populations – and, as a rule, do not share with other Eurasian or African populations. Nevertheless, we admit that additional data on other Austro-Asiatic speakers of India and beyond is needed to draw more detailed picture of their genetic affinities within India and with contiguous areas.


In contrast to that, studied by us eastern Indian tribal populations did not show any admixture with East Asians whatsoever. For the Lodha and Kurmi, their particular demographic histories could be indicative: both populations show only a little variation and, therefore, they might have lost the East Asian lineages. Yet, most likely they never had East Asian lineages at substantial frequencies as, given the number of lineages left among these populations (30 haplotypes out of 111 samples examined), the probability that they have lost all East Asian haplotypes by means of drift is negligible. The argument of lineage loss is also not applicable to explain the lack of East Asian maternal lineages among the upper cast sample of West Bengal (our unpublished data), who show no sign of severe bottleneck in their demographic history. High population density over a long time period, making the region less prone to the effect of immigration could, among other interpretations, serve as an explanation.


The mtDNA lineages arising from the central node of Hg M that have so far not been assigned to any subcluster of Hg M, form the M* lineages. As the Lodhas and Kurmis did not show starlike topology on the greedy network of M* (Fig. 11), they had to be excluded from the coalescence time calculation. Based on the remaining data of Tharus, Bhoksas and Kanets the expansion time for the Indian M* was estimated as 43,000 ± 7300 BP. To further narrow the error margins, a dataset of 362 M* lineages 44 covering different areas and socio-cultural backgrounds of India, was included and in result, expansion time of 40000 ± 2000 years BP was found. Analyses yielding somewhat or significantly earlier Indian Hg M coalescence estimates, ranging from ~47,000 – ~65,000 BP (Kivisild et al. 1999b) and (Mountain et al. 1995) respectively, included sequence information of all Indian M subclusters in the former, and additionally even some African sequences in the latter case, therefore blurring the expansion time estimate of the central M node in India.


The report is very technical to be read and understood. However, a meticulous reading and interpretation of the same says that Lodhas and Kurmis (It should be read as Kudmis as the same has been misspelled as usual in the report; In West Bengal we have Kudmis and not Kurmis) are the idegenous group originated much before other indigenous groups of Jahrkhand (greater Jahrakhnd which encompasses areas of Jharkhnad, Bihar, West Begnal and Orissa.


Sanjay has added the following which is more easy to understand.


अफ्रीका में anatomically modern human पनपा । जिसको mitochondrial DNA Haplogroup L कहा गया । L mutate हो कर L1, L2, L3, L4...... बना । L3 अफ्रीका से बाहर निकला । बाहर आ कर L3 mutate हो कर N और M बना । N चला गया Europe की ओर । M दो भाग बंट गया । एक हिमालय के उत्तर की ओर से होते हुए पूर्वी एशिया में चला गया और दुसरा आ गया south Asia में । South Asia वाला M बिखरते हुए समुद्र के किनारे किनारे south east Asia होते हुए Australia तक पहुंच गया । सभी जगह समय के साथ mt DNA Haplogroup M में mutation के साथ परिवर्तन होता गया । भारत में भी Haplogroup M में समय के साथ mutation होता रहा और इंसान अलग-अलग ग्रुप में बंटते गए । अभी तक भारत में macrohaplogroup M mutate हो कर M 2, M3, M4, M5, M6, M18, M25, M30, M31, M33, M34, M35, M36, M37, M38, M39, M40, M41, M42, M43, M45, M48, M49, M50 में बंटे हैं । इसके अलावे इन सभी के subgroup भी बने हैं । यहां तक किसी जाति जनजाति नश्ल का कोई अर्थ नहीं है क्योंकि जो एक साथ रह गए उन्होंने एक जाति जनजाति नश्ल का निर्माण कर लिया । इसी लिए भारत में रहने वाले सभी नश्ल के लोगों में 70% में विभिन्न M ग्रुप मिलता ही है । जहां तक भारत में ancient settler के पहचान की बात है तो लोग मान कर चलते हैं की आज जो आदिवासी ST हैं Haplogroup M2 वाले वे ही ancient settlers हैं । पर इस तथ्य को नजरंदाज कर देते हैं की M2 , Haplogroup M से निकला हुआ है और भारत में कई समुह हैं जिनमे Haplogroup M का mt DNA , 85 से 95% अब भी मौजूद है । तो भारत का ancient settler किसे कहना चाहिए? जाहिर सी बात है जिस जाति जनजाति समुह के सैम्पल में mt DNA Haplogroup M सर्वाधिक पाया जाता है । यानि जिनमें आज भी mt DNA Haplogroup M के जीन अपनी पुरानी अवस्था में मौजूद है ।

Karam parab

 








#Karam_parab
✍️ Srikanta Mahato
Natives, tribals of Chotanagpur area and West Bengal Purulia, Bankura, Jhargram, Paschim Medinipur, Singhbhum, entire Jharkhand state, some areas of Odisha.The fact that the natives of this land have been worshipers of nature since time immemorial is reflected in their works. This festival was created by #Kudmi people karam parab more Bhumij, Birhad, Kherwal, Ho, Kheria, Shaw, Bar, Kora, Lohar, Onrao, Munda, Pahan, Maha, Li Singhsardar Singhsardar, Mura, Pahariya, Hari,Bagti, Ghasi, Santal, including primitive 38 tribes have retained their ethnicity, culture in worshiping nature!Already a great (festival) parab is #karam_parab. It is the festival of creation, the festival of creationKaram Parab is celebrated on Shukla Ekadashi of Bhadra month every year. Basically village unmarried (teenager) girls are worshipers of karam parab.Seven/five/three days before Shukla Ekadashi, virgin girls take off their shawls in the early morning and take a bath in the river or pond and fill a bamboo hat with sand.In one place of the village, the twigs are kept and three paks are sung, followed by mustard, rahe, birhi, pea, mung bean, boot, ramha,
Janar, kutthi seeds are smeared with turmeric oil. Unmarried virgin girls rub the seeds on a wet cloth.Unmarried virgin girls weave the seeds on the twigs in wet cloth and dance three rounds, (yellow water is sprinkled on the seedlings every day) then where the Akhara (Dal Gara Than)The dalis are kept there and danced for three paks and the Jawa song is sung, then everyone comes home with their own Jawa dalis. In this way every day till the day before Shukla Ekadashi, Nach is sung in the Akhara in the evening.Then, on the first day of the day, take a bath with a toothpick, turmeric oil, shrimp leaves or crab leaves, dip in the water of the pond or river and turn the three shrimp leaves upside down in the bath.With a toothpick smeared with yellow oil, the water is drawn and dipped, some bring water in the ghat, some come home like this, come and eat chira, muri, curd, jaggery, etc., in the evening, Jawagit is sung in the akhara,At the end of the song, a vegetarian meal is served at home with rahe dal and mung dal. Finally, the much-desired auspicious Shukla Ekadashi comes. One/or two Karam Dals are planted at certain places in the village. It is worshiped in the name of Karam Thakur.On the day of Shukla Ekadashi, some of these karam bratis get up early in the morning, eat food, then start fasting, then dance and sing together in the tandy (field) in the afternoon, haritaki, vela,
Amla and other flowers come home with fruits.Then all take a bath together with toothpicks, turmeric oil, shrimp leaves or crab leaves. After taking a dip, he came home following the same rules as the previous day, after coming home, he left his wet clothes and put on a new saree and some clothes;ghee, jaggery, honey, ginger,
Atapchal, Guri, Kajal, Kankaid, and fruits brought from the forest, along with offerings, go to the arena with new branches. Where the karam dal is thick. All the girls put gundi, vermilion, kajal on that karam dal or root.Sohagi wishes to get a husband, to have children, and wishes for the well-being of the family. Laya is the priest! She is the one who established Prana on this branch, this worshiper is also called the mother-in-law of virgin virgin girls.Devotees eat food after the puja.
(Except for rice, muri, chira). After that, dance-songs went on throughout the night to the beat of Madoil and Dhamsa.

The next day, that is, the day of Panna, take a bath and bring one paddy plant eachIn the house cleaned with dung, powder, vermilion stains and drops of kajal are applied to the walls with Alpana and also applied to the paddy plant, then panta bhaat, curd, (food of the day) etc. are placed on the alti leaves..Kankaid is called the beta of virgin girls, the next morning the girls divide all the sprouted seeds among themselves and spread them in different parts of the house.Later all the puja offerings along with the karam dal are immersed in the water.

Chitew parab

  Chitew parab By - Satananda Hindoiar One of the major parab of Aboriginal Kudmi.They  observe in the month of saraban "Ropa Mas&quo...